TMR

The time has come for the US, and much of the world, to reassess where China stands in the global order 

ONE telling takeaway from US President Donald J Trump’s visit to China last week was just how dramatically the global geopolitical balance has shifted. The US is no longer the undisputed sheriff in town. It now faces a formidable rival in China, one confident enough to meet Washington not from a position of deference, but increasingly as an equal. 

Trump met Chinese President Xi Jinping face-to-face on May 14 in what appeared to be a meeting between two leaders on equal footing. The world has not witnessed many such moments since the collapse of the Soviet Union left the US as the sole superpower. 

The two leaders last met in Busan, South Korea, seven months ago, shortly after Trump’s whirlwind visit to Kuala Lumpur for the ASEAN summit. That Busan meeting, in hindsight, now appears more consequential than many first realised. It was not merely another bilateral engagement, but perhaps a moment when the limits of US pressure on China began to show. 

In an earlier commentary, Busan: China’s quiet inflection point, I argued that the Oct 30 summit, which took place amid a barrage of tariff threats and economic brinkmanship, marked a strategic turning point. Trump arrived hoping to project strength. Xi left looking calm, composed and increasingly vindicated in his long-term game. 

Yet Beijing still rolled out the red carpet for Trump in a manner usually reserved only leaders it considers strategically important. The two men dined on Beijing roast duck, lobster and pan fried pork buns at lavish state banquets before concluding their final working lunch over kung pao chicken and brownies. 

Xi even hosted Trump at Zhongnanhai, the Communist Party leadership compound often described as China’s equivalent of the White House. Trump also became the only second sitting US president to formally visit the Temple of Heaven, after Gerald Ford in 1975. 

In his opening remarks, Xi declared that the world had arrived at a “new crossroads”, emphasising the importance of cooperation between the world’s two largest economies. He went further, saying China’s “great reju- venation” and Trump’s Make America Great Again (MAGA) vision could coexist. 

Both leaders stressed the global importance of stable ties, with Xi warning they must “never mess it up”, unusually direct words aimed at a US president known for unpredictability. 

If anything, the summit appeared to strengthen China’s hand. Trump was accompanied by more than a dozen major US corporate heavyweights, including Tesla Inc CEO Elon Musk, Nvidia Corp CEO Jensen Huang and Apple Inc CEO Tim Cook. Their presence underscored how deeply major US corporations remain tied to the Chinese market despite years of political rhetoric about decoupling. As of writing, Trump appears to have left Beijing with few obvious strategic wins. 

One detail worth noting: Trump requested for this trip. 

Many observers now view the summit less as a display of friendship and more as an exercise in managing a rivalry neither side can afford to escalate recklessly. Across the ideological spectrum, analysts broadly agree the visit signalled a shift away from open confrontation towards transactional coexistence. 

Trade stabilisation, large Chinese purchases of US goods and energy discussions linked to the Iran conflict emerged as key outcomes, while Taiwan remained the unresolved fault line hanging over the relationship. Beijing, meanwhile, projected far greater confidence than during Trump’s first presidency, presenting itself not as a subordinate power, but increasingly as Washington’s equal. 

Now, the time has come for the US, and much of the world, to reassess where China stands in the global order. 

Robert A Pape, a political science professor at University of Chicago, recently offered a sharp assessment of China’s trajectory. He argued that China is no longer merely catching up to the West, but is increasingly defining the next generation of consumer and industrial technology. More importantly, he noted how artificial intelligence (AI) is being integrated across entire sectors of the Chinese economy at remarkable speed. 

“China is massively integrating AI into electrification, robotics, infrastructure, cities and manufacturing to uplift whole regions, not just isolated pockets,” he said. “They have seas of electric vehicles (EVs) beyond Tesla that we cannot even buy in the US.” 

Pape noted how China is deploying innovations at scale. 

“China is inventing new widgets, but then diffusing them massively across sectors and regions. They’ve uplifted tens of millions of people in just a few years. What have we done for places like Pennsylvania and the Rust Belt?” he asked. 

For decades, the Rust Belt formed the industrial backbone of the US, stretching across states such as Ohio, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Illinois. Once powered by steel mills, auto plants and thriving factory towns, the region began sliding into decline from the 1970s as industries moved overseas and manufacturing jobs disappeared. Shuttered factories and struggling communities eventually turned the Rust Belt into a symbol of American economic anxiety and political discontent. 

In an appearance on the independent YouTube programme Breaking Points, Pape described what he recently witnessed in China. 

“The robotics assembly lines? You cannot even find them on Google. They are not out there bragging or talking smack like we do. They are staying under the radar and eating our lunch.” 

• Habhajan Singh is the corporate editor of The Malaysian Reserve.

• This article first appeared in The Malaysian Reserve weekly print edition

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IN A world that often speaks of justice and human rights, Palestine remains one of the clearest litmus tests of international moral consistency. More than seven decades on, the crisis continues without a meaningful political resolution. 

Renewed attention surrounding humanitarian flotillas comes amid growing international scrutiny over humanitarian access to Gaza, increasing criticism of diplomatic paralysis and widening public frustration over the limited effectiveness of international institutions. The movement reflects a broader pattern of citizen-led mobilisation emerging in response to diplomatic stagnation and growing scepticism towards international institutions. 

Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM) political analyst Prof Dr Sivamurugan Pandian said the Global Sumud Flotilla (GSF) reflects the persistence of the Palestine issue as a moral and political fault line in international relations. 

“It signals frustration with diplomatic stalemate and highlights how non-state actors are stepping in to challenge perceived inaction by governments and institutions,” he said. 

Public pressure has long influenced the political environment surrounding foreign policy. During the Vietnam War, anti-war protests in the US gained national promi- nence from 1965, spreading across campuses, civic groups, churches, civil rights organisations, and veteran networks. 

Viewed through this lens, GSF should be understood not only as a humanitarian mission, but also as part of a wider pattern of citizen-led mobilisation emerging during periods of diplomatic fatigue. Its significance lies in sustaining international attention on Palestine at a time when many view formal diplomatic responses as increasingly limited. 

Sivamurugan observed that civil society initiatives such as GSF play an increasingly important role in shaping narratives around global humanitarian crises. Such movements, he noted, help humanise the conflict, expand international visibility and mobilise advocacy networks across borders. 

The shift is particularly significant in today’s media environment, where public perception is no longer shaped by official diplomatic channels or state narratives. Digital platforms, citizen mobilisation and transnational solidarity networks now play a central role in how global crises are understood, debated and responded to by the international community. 

In light of this, support for Palestine has increasingly moved beyond political blocs, religious identity and geography. It now involves people from different backgrounds, generations and cultures. This growing grassroots support reflects a shift towards more decentralised and citizen-driven movements. 

This widening role of citizen-led movements also reflects a deeper concern about the state of global governance itself. Former Foreign Minister and former humanitarian special envoy Tan Sri Dr Syed Hamid Albar observed that humanitarian movements such as GSF have become increasingly important at a time when many governments appear less accountable and less responsive to questions of justice, humanity and international law. 

In this environment, he stressed that humanitarian organisations and civil society platforms must become more assertive to ensure that humanitarian crises such as Palestine are not forgotten or normalised through silence. 

“Humanitarian organisations are important because, without sustained humanitarian pressure, the cause risks fading from international attention. We must write a new narrative in order to be heard.” 

GSF has also moved beyond the conventional form of protest. Apart from the flotilla itself, its wider ecosystem includes parliamentary engagement, public advocacy, legal discourse, media mobilisation and international civil society coordination. 

The Global Sumud Parliamentary Congress in Brussels, held on April 22, 2026, positioned the movement within a broader political framework by drawing attention to humanitarian access, international law and parliamentary pressure. Its stated aim included support for a United Nations (UN)-verified humanitarian maritime corridor to Gaza. 

GSF 2.0 increasingly reflects a layered movement involving maritime mobilisation, parliamentary engagement, legal advocacy, media visibility and transnational solidarity networks. This makes the movement more strategic than a single protest event. 

UN Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese has been repeatedly cited in relation to the flotilla because of her emphasis on international law, humanitarian accountability and the need for governments to act consistently on Gaza. 

“Digital connectivity and generational change are reshaping how global justice issues gain attention and momentum. GSF is part of this wider shift. It is not a centralised institution, but it has become a recognisable platform for people who want to translate concern into action.” 

Sivamurugan also stressed the importance of credible voices in strengthening public understanding, particularly in an environment where information moves rapidly and perception can easily overtake facts. 

“Credible voices help ground the discourse. They provide context, evidence and critical analysis, moving the conversation beyond slogans towards a more informed and balanced understanding,” he added. 

Viewed more broadly, GSF should not be seen merely as a symbolic act. Its wider value lies in the pressure it creates, the debate it opens and the moral question it places before governments and institutions. 

GSF is less about the boats and more about the message. When institutions stall, people move and the demand for justice does not wait. In a world increasingly accustomed to international inaction, that message deserves serious attention. 

The continued visibility of movements such as GSF reflects a broader reality: Public mobilisation increasingly fills spaces where formal diplomacy is perceived to be ineffective. 

• Marina Sulaiman,Global Sumud Flotilla Media and Communications Team.

• This article first appeared in The Malaysian Reserve weekly print edition

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PRIME Minister (PM) Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s recent statement that Pakatan Harapan (PH) is prepared to contest head-to-head nationwide should Barisan Nasional (BN) choose to move independently in the Johor state election signals more than ordinary coalition bargaining. It reflects a deeper recalibration within the Madani Unity Government, where political cooperation is increasingly shaped not only by electoral arithmetic, but by questions of long-term survival, leadership leverage and institutional credibility.

At the centre of this emerging tension lies UMNO’s renewed “solo campaign” narrative following its 80th anniversary celebrations in May 2026. The rhetoric is politically understandable. UMNO’s leadership, particularly under Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, faces growing pressure from internal factions demanding stronger party identity after years of coalition compromise. The argument from these factions is familiar: UMNO risks losing its traditional base if it continues to be perceived merely as a junior stabilising component within the Madani framework rather than an independent Malay political force.

Yet political symbolism and electoral mathematics are not always aligned. Johor remains strategically significant precisely because it is one of the few states where UMNO still retains meaningful structural strength, organisational machinery and historical loyalty. A direct PH-BN confrontation there would therefore become a national stress test for the entire Madani coalition model. The question is not whether PH can survive independently, but whether both coalitions can afford fragmentation while Perikatan Nasional (PN) remains electorally relevant despite its internal weaknesses.

Anwar’s statement should therefore be understood less as confrontation and more as strategic signalling. PH cannot appear politically dependent on BN indefinitely without weakening its own bargaining position. At the same time, Ahmad Zahid cannot entirely suppress UMNO’s grassroots demand for renewed autonomy without risking internal destabilisation. Both leaders are managing competing pressures: One seeks coalition continuity, while the other must preserve party relevance.

The broader political environment complicates matters further. PN is no longer operating from a position of unified momentum. Tensions between PAS and Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia are becoming increasingly visible, particularly regarding leadership direction, electoral strategy and succession calculations. PAS continues to command ideological discipline and grassroots mobilisation, but Bersatu faces lingering questions surrounding organisational cohesion and long-term strategic identity. The relationship increasingly resembles a coalition of necessity rather than strategic harmony.

This creates a potential opening for Madani. If PN remains fragmented while PH and BN maintain at least functional coordination, the probability of an early state election or even a broader general election (GE) scenario becomes more conceivable. From a strategic standpoint, governments traditionally prefer elections when opponents appear divided rather than consolidated. Political history rarely rewards hesitation when the opposition is internally distracted.

However, the risks are equally substantial. Malay-Muslim voter sentiment remains fluid and cannot be reduced to simplistic assumptions about communal alignment. Economic pressure, subsidy concerns, cost-of-living anxieties and perceptions of governance credibility continue to shape voter behaviour more than rhetoric alone. Any perception that coalition disputes are driven purely by power calculations rather than policy direction could weaken public confidence across all sides.

Johor would likely become the symbolic battlefield, but the implications would extend beyond one state. Negri Sembilan, with its more mixed political balance, could become highly sensitive to shifts in Malay middle-ground sentiment. Penang remains structurally favourable to PH, though turnout dynamics and urban economic pressures remain relevant. Pahang presents a more delicate terrain where BN’s organisational machinery still matters significantly. In each case, a nationwide direct-contest strategy would force parties to redefine not only alliances, but political identities.

From an economic perspective, investors are unlikely to react negatively to elections themselves. Markets are generally capable of absorbing democratic contestation. What investors dislike is prolonged uncertainty, unstable coalitions and inconsistent policy direction. A clear electoral mandate, even following aggressive political competition, may ultimately be viewed more positively than a coalition paralysed by unresolved tensions.

This explains why Anwar’s positioning carries both political and economic logic. By signalling readiness for direct contests, he projects confidence while also pressuring coalition partners to clarify their long-term intentions. Simultaneously, Ahmad Zahid’s calibrated “solo” messaging allows UMNO to reassure its grassroots without necessarily collapsing coalition cooperation entirely.

The decisive variable, however, remains execution rather than rhetoric. If Madani can maintain policy continuity, manage coalition disagreements pragmatically, and capitalise on PN’s internal fractures, the coalition may emerge stronger from controlled electoral competition. If factionalism escalates beyond strategic management, however, fragmentation could benefit only the opposition.

Ultimately, Malaysia’s next political phase will not be determined solely by slogans about unity or independence. It will be shaped by whether political actors can balance ambition with discipline, coalition survival with party identity and electoral strategy with economic stability. In that balance lies the real test of Malaysia’s political maturity heading toward the next electoral cycle.

• Azam Datuk Mohd, Kuala Lumpur.

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