Anwar’s high-stakes PKR bet

It is still wrong for politicians in power to allow their children to rise the ladder of power

TO DISMANTLE the bridge after crossing it. This Chinese idiom means to abandon one’s friends when one is finally safe, especially after a crisis.

“This idiom best describes what we have just witnessed,” a senior corporate executive said, summing up the recently concluded Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) party elections.

If you’ve been paying attention to Malaysian politics, you can probably guess who built the bridge — and who was left stranded, high and dry, on the other side of the river.

In the run-up to the PKR election, Nurul Izzah Anwar faced allegations of nepotism when she mounted a challenge for the PKR deputy presidency against incumbent and a long-time party comrade Datuk Seri Rafizi Ramli.

Her father, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, is PKR president and now prime minister (PM) of a rainbow of coalitions.

As long as Anwar remains in power, any advancement of his daughter within the party inevitably raises questions about favouritism. Whether we like it or not, there is a widespread perception that she benefits from what some call “Papa’s air cover.”

One common defence against such accusations is: “Why now?” Why didn’t they raise the spectre of nepotism when PKR was out in the cold, and Anwar languished in prison? Why didn’t they raise the issue of nepotism when Nurul Izzah held roles during PKR’s years in Opposition?

But that misses a key distinction. When you’re out of power, you don’t control ministries, budgets or appointments. You can’t hand out contracts or shape laws. The playing field changes dramatically once you enter government. To ignore this difference is either naive or disingenuous.

Another argument comes from those who accuse Anwar of hypocrisy. After all, he once railed against nepotism, especially during the Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad era. So, how can he justify supporting his daughter’s ascent now? Regardless of past rhetoric, the principle stands: It is still wrong for politicians in power to allow their children to rise the ladder of power.

Yet, some are blind to the practice in their own backyard. Take PAS, for example. While its MPs sit in federal Opposition, the party governs four states — Kelantan, Terengganu, Perlis and Kedah. Within PAS, several family members of top leaders have risen through the ranks.

Muhammad Khalil Abdul Hadi, the 48-year old son of PAS president Tan Sri Abdul Hadi Awang, served as the party’s youth chief and now sits as an exco member in Terengganu. His brother-in-law, Mohd Akmal Kamaruddin, has held multiple positions in Perak, including two stints as state exco.

When questioned, PAS supporters insist these appointments were grassroots decisions, with no interference from the top. But anyone familiar with party dynamics knows that influence doesn’t always come through direct orders. A word, a nod — or even silence — can shape outcomes, especially when a leader holds firm control over the machinery. Likewise, we can expect PKR members to whitewash nepotism in their midst.

Make no mistake: The stakes are high. In this game, the prize could be nothing less than leadership of the country.

For now, Nurul Izzah has prevailed.

She now holds the second-highest post in a party born from a grassroots’ rebellion following Anwar’s dramatic sacking from UMNO in 1998.

In this party election, just over 30,000 divisional delegates were allowed to vote.

If every party member had cast a ballot, would the result have been different? That question lingers among rank-and-file members.

Looking further ahead, the public may accept Nurul Izzah’s role in a party led by her father — but accepting them as the top two figures in PKR? That’s another matter entirely. For many voters, it gives the party a distinctly familial flavour.

Anwar’s decision to tacitly support his daughter’s bid against Rafizi was a gamble.

How it plays out within the party — and at the ballot box — remains to be seen.

As one longtime PH supporter put it to me: “So many people did so much to help PH win. What Anwar did, he’s going to pay dearly. Looks like UMNO is set for a comeback.”

Are there others who share this view? Possibly more than the ruling coalition would like to admit.

In an article this week, my colleague Radzi Razak made the point that Rafizi was not about to disappear quietly.

“He’s begun engaging grassroots members, and while it’s not an open rebellion, he’s clearly laying the groundwork for a political comeback,” he heard from a senior party source.

For political junkies, the drama promises to keep us entertained — at least until the 16th General Election (GE16).

• Habhajan Singh is the corporate editor of The Malaysian Reserve.